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Haile Selassie I, King of Ethiopia (1892-1975)
Jacob said in his Benediction almost four thousand years ago that , the scripture shall not depart from Judah, nor the lawgiver from between his feet until Shiloh come. "And one of the elder said unto me, weep not, behold the LION of the tribe of judah, the root of king David hath prevailed to open the book and to loose the seven seals thereof" (rev. 5 ver:5). On July 23, 1892 Tafari makonnen who later become HIM, Haile Selassie I, the Conquering lion of judah, was born in Ejersa goro, a mountain village outside of Harer in the year of John. HIM father was Ras Makonnen the cousin of menelik 11, and his mother was Yishimabet who's parents married in 1876. Upon the death of his mother he (HIM) Haile Selassie as he was then given that title, (Tafari makonnen) was raised by his cousin Ras Imru. He then was sent to live with Emperor menelik 11 in 1906. On july 31, 1911 he married Wayzaro Menen, the granddaughter of Ras Mikael. She had 3 sons and 3 daughters (it is very important and interesting to know that ). None can deny the good words spread by Haile Selassie. Him says are not only for ethiopians, africans, or rastas. But for all humanity. Each one of us can learn studying Him words (see some of his speeches at the bottom of this page). There is nothing more worthwhile and rewarding in life than to work for the benefit of others. One can get more pleasure from giving than from receiving if it is done with LOVE . Those who have had the opportunity to learn should always be at the disposal of those who have not had its benefit and it should not only be for individuals, but for the entier community at large. The words of the Almighty in the Holy Bible say: give and it shall be given unto you: is worth observing in your daily life. It is I firm belief that if you forgot self-love and self-indulgence and break away from all this worldly desires, you will be able to make great contribution to yourself, your family, community and your country.
Distinguished members of the Jamaican Parliament, I am glad today to get this opportunity of conveying some thoughts to the Jamaican Parliament and people. The people of Jamaica have a long glorious history. The Jamaican people have struggled to attain their independence and since independence the Jamaican people in an exemplary national unity have gone on to bring further abundance and progress to themselves. Because I know of the history of these wonderful people and because I know of the sentiments the people of Jamaica entertain for the Ethiopian people, I have always wished to come and visit Jamaica. Now, thank God, this wish of mine has been fulfilled. Upon arrival in Jamaica I have seen more than I have expected. I have seen the progress of the people and I have seen their determination to march forward in unity towards greater progress. I have also witnessed personally the extent of the feeling of the Jamaican people for the Ethiopian people. Again I wish to take this opportunity of expressing my thanks to the Government and people of Jamaica for the wonderful reception that was accorded to me. Our relations with the Jamaican people, as I have said already, is not of present origin. At a time when the Ethiopian people bore aggression, harsh aggression, the people of Jamaica showed their concern and sympathy to the Ethiopian people and have in this way provided us with encouragement regarding which the Ethiopian people shall be forever grateful. Since I arrived in Jamaica, I was able to witness myself that these feelings of sympathy that had existed then have continued, and even now there is a greater desire to establish a closer relation with the people of Ethiopia. The relations, in a broader sense, between the people of Jamaica and the people of Ethiopia and Africa are deep and abiding. We have all struggled for independence and have achieved it now. Because we are people dedicated to the achievement of our independence. we have attained an objective that Is the basis for continued mutual cooperation and goodwill. In addition to this there is a bond of gratitude, a bond of brotherhood. The people of Jamaica, by and large, have originated in Africa. This again gives us another basis upon which we can contract a healthy relation, a relation that is not only going to be useful to our respective peoples but a relation, because of the fundamental similarity between us, that will in the long run contribute to a better maintenance of international peace and security. In addition to this both the people of Jamaica and the people of Ethiopia are dedicated to another cause, that is the cause of progress and prosperity. Here again the struggle we have to undergo, the difficulties we must all overcome, and the programmer we must adopt have much similarity. Thus I say the people of Jamaica and Ethiopia have much in common and these common factors can be used as the basis for even stronger relations between our two peoples The people of African origin have immigrated to many parts of the world. Some of them have come to Jamaica; others to other parts of the world. But wherever they may be they have similar historical experiences and the problems that await them depend on sympathy, and this can be used by all of us as the basis for the establishment of greater cooperation which will be for our mutual benefit. In addition to this I also believe that the peoples of Jamaica and Ethiopia have another important cause in common, that is the cause of international peace. For much more than means of warfare, the violation of peace somewhere, must be discouraged to prevent the utter devastation of the human race. We have as an important concern that there should not be a violation of international peace and security. However, if small countries do not combine all their energies, if small countries do not put all their weight in one direction towards the maintenance of international peace, then their individual voices in today's world would not matter much. This is precisely why the smaller states, lilte Jamaica and Ethiopia, have the supreme interest that international peace and security be preserved. And to this end we have to continue to collaborate so that our voice on the international scene would be augmented. In addition to this it is quite true that a country can achieve material progress alone. However, we know from the experiences of the past that international co-operation tends to quicken the pace for progress of individual countries. This is again another area for us to think about and see in what way we can further expand the relations between the peoples of Jamaica and Ethiopia. From another fundamental point of view this is why the organization of African Unity has been established. It is because the African continent, which comprises more than 250 milion people, were it to remain divided among more than 30 states, their individual voices would not carry weight. It is precisely why, since there is an identity of interest, we have attempted to include Jamaica also, so that we can carry this weight in the councils of nations, and also through the process of co-operation and expanded economic relations we might be in a position to quicken the pace of development of the individual member countries of the Organization of African Unity. Because the African people are dedicated to the cause of the maintenance of peace, because the African people are determined that there should be that material progress for their people, and because the African people believe in the essential precepts of democracy, these are the foundations of the Organization of African Unity. An organization that is based on such a solid foundation can only bring success to all its endeavours which will be for the interest and benefit of the African people, and perhaps also the interest of other peoples. From the same point of view l say.
"War" California 28th February 1968. "Last May, in Addis Ababa there was convened a meeting of Heads of African States and Governments. In three days, the thirty-two nations represented at that Conference demonstrated to the world that when the will and the determination exist, nations and peoples of diverse backgrounds can and will work together in unity for the achievement of common goals and the assurance of that equality and brotherhood which we desire." "Although our position vis-a-vis the power-blocs is identified with the policy of non-alignment, our past history testifies to the fact that we have always endeavored to cooperate with all nations, without exception. Thus, one of the fundamental principles we have agreed upon at the Addis Ababa Summit Conference gives expression to our fundamental desire to live in harmony and cooperation with all States." "On the question of racial discrimination, the Addis Ababa Conference taught, to those who will learn, this further lesson:" "That until the philosophy which holds one race superior and another inferior is finally and permanently discredited and abandoned; that until there are no longer any first-class and second-class citizens of any nation; that until the color of a man's skin is of no more significance than the color of his eyes; that until the basic human rights are equally guaranteed to all, without regard to race -- until that day, the dreams of lasting peace and world citizenship and the rule of international morality will remain but a fleeting illusion, to be pursued but never attained. And also, that until the ignoble and unhappy regimes that hold our brothers in Angola, in Mozambique and in South Africa in subhuman bondage have been toppled and destroyed; until bigotry and prejudice and malicious and inhuman self-interest have been replaced by understanding, tolerance and good-will; until all Africans stand and speak as free beings, equal in the eyes of all men as they are in Heaven -- until that day the African continent will not know peace. We Africans will fight, if necessary and we know that we shall win, as we are confident in the victory of good over evil."
Accepting the title "Defender Of The Faith". Venerable and Holy Fathers, In listening to the profound spiritual message conveyed by your closing addresses, and appreciating the happy outcome of your sustained efforts, Our heart has been touched by profound gladness. It should therefore be clear to the whole world from the result of your work that Your Holiness has been guided and inspired by the Holy Spirit to accomplish your task in love and unity. The great common tasks accomplished by this Conference in unison bestow on the true faith and true order of the Oriental Orthodox Church the admiration of the whole world. As Solomon says, physical distance cannot be a barrier to love. Likewise, the distances among your respective countries have been abolished by the proximity of your hearts. You have thus been able to speak a single tongue and think with a single mind. We thank Almighty God for enabling us to witness the realization of Our dream in the successful outcome of this historic Conference. We are therefore happy to express to you Our readiness, fortified by the results of this Conference, to invite you and the Eastern Orthodox Churches, and also other churches at a later date. We ardently hope that we shall meet once again in the not too distant future. As we stated at the inauguration of this Conference, to meet together, to take council with one another, and to act in mutual co-operation, has proved a most fruitful method both in the secular and spiritual fields. Henceforth the way is open for you to follow this fruitful path, and to this end Our help and assistance will always be forthcoming, since We support your efforts, and ideas out of an unshakable conviction that it is our spiritual duty to do so. We are gratified in particular to note that the work of this Conference has been concerned purely with religious spiritual matters free from extraneous political considerations. This is only fine and proper, for the church, as a symbol of peace, must follow the path of peace in all parts of the world. In this connection we are glad to note that your evangelistic mission in the world has received due emphasis, in your deliberations, together with the recognition of the Christian duty to pray for the rights of man and the peace of the world. For world peace can only be made abiding by the Grace of God, through the prayers of the Holy Fathers. The truth of this cardinal fact is evident to all mankind. We ardently hope that Almighty God shall bless the implementation of your important resolutions and decisions, just as He has made possible the successful convening and conclusion of this historic Conference. Holy Fathers, we have welcomed the title you have given us, Defender of the Faith, with great honour. May Almighty God grace your name. May God welcome you. We have received this title given us by you Holy Fathers, with religious reverence. May your prayers help Us in Our effort to fulfil the task entrusted to us.
Knowing that material and spiritual progress are essential to man, We must ceaseless work for the equal attainment of both. Only then shall We be able to acquire that absolute inner-calm, so necessary to our well-being. Whenever conflict arises between material and spiritual values, the conscience plays an important role and anyone who suffers from a guilty conscience is never really free from this problem until he makes peace with himself and his conscience. Discipline of the mind is the basic ingredient of genuine morality and therefore spiritual strength. Spiritual power is the eternal guide, in this life and the life after, for man can reach the summit destined for him by the Great Creator. Since nobody can interfere in the realm of God we should tolerate and live side by side with people of different faiths, In the mystic tradition of the different religions we have a remarkable Unity of Spirit. Whatever religion they may profess, they are Spiritual Kinsmen. While the different religions in their historic forms bind us to limited groups and militate against the development of loyalty to the world community, the Mystics have already stood for the fellowship of humanity ... in harmony with the spirit of the mystics of ages gone by. No one should question the faith of others, for no human being can judge the ways of God. With the raising of all men to their rightful dignity and honor as individuals, they will be able to regard their fellows, of whatever nation, of whatever race, of whatever religious, linguistic or historic tradition, as equals, without jealousy, without fear fear, without undue pride. Until bigotry and prejudice and malicious and inhuman self interest have been replaced by understanding and tolerance and good-will...
Appeal To The League Of Nations. I, Haile Selassie I, Emperor of Ethiopia, am here today to claim that justice which is due to my people, and the assistance promised to it eight months ago, when fifty nations asserted that aggression had been committed in violation of international treaties. There is no precedent for a Head of State himself speaking in this assembly. But there is also no precedent for a people being victim of such injustice and being at present threatened by abandonment to its aggressor. Also, there has never before been an example of any Government proceeding to the systematic extermination of a nation by barbarous means, in violation of the most solemn promises made by the nations of the earth that there should not be used against innocent human beings the terrible poison of harmful gases. It is to defend a people struggling for its age-old independence that the head of the Ethiopian Empire has come to Geneva to fulfil this supreme duty, after having himself fought at the head of his armies. I pray to Almighty God that He may spare nations the terrible sufferings that have just been inflicted on my people, and of which the chiefs who accompany me here have been the horrified witnesses. It is my duty to inform the Governments assembled in Geneva, responsible as they are for the lives of millions of men, women and children, of the deadly peril which threatens them, by describing to them the fate which has been suffered by Ethiopia. It is not only upon warriors that the Italian Government has made war. It has above all attacked populations far removed from hostilities, in order to terrorize and exterminate them. At the beginning, towards the end of 1935, Italian aircraft hurled upon my armies bombs of tear-gas. Their effects were but slight. The soldiers learned to scatter, waiting until the wind had rapidly dispersed the poisonous gases. The Italian aircraft then resorted to mustard gas. Barrels of liquid were hurled upon armed groups. But this means also was not effective; the liquid affected only a few soldiers, and barrels upon the ground were themselves a warning to troops and to the population of the danger. It was at the time when the operations for the encircling of Makalle were taking place that the Italian command, fearing a rout, followed the procedure which it is now my duty to denounce to the world. Special sprayers were installed on board aircraft so that they could vaporize, over vast areas of territory, a fine, death-dealing rain. Groups of nine, fifteen, eighteen aircraft followed one another so that the fog issuing from them formed a continuous sheet. It was thus that, as from the end of January, 1936, soldiers, women, children, cattle, rivers, lakes and pastures were drenched continually with this deadly rain. In order to kill off systematically all living creatures, in order to more surely to poison waters and pastures, the Italian command made its aircraft pass over and over again. That was its chief method of warfare. Ravage and Terror The very refinement of barbarism consisted in carrying ravage and terror into the most densely populated parts of the territory, the points farthest removed from the scene of hostilities. The object was to scatter fear and death over a great part of the Ethiopian territory. These fearful tactics succeeded. Men and animals succumbed. The deadly rain that fell from the aircraft made all those whom it touched fly shrieking with pain. All those who drank the poisoned water or ate the infected food also succumbed in dreadful suffering. In tens of thousands, the victims of the Italian mustard gas fell. It is in order to denounce to the civilized world the tortures inflicted upon the Ethiopian people that I resolved to come to Geneva. None other than myself and my brave companions in arms could bring the League of Nations the undeniable proof. The appeals of my delegates addressed to the League of Nations had remained without any answer; my delegates had not been witnesses. That is why I decided to come myself to bear witness against the crime perpetrated against my people and give Europe a warning of the doom that awaits it, if it should bow before the accomplished fact. Is it necessary to remind the Assembly of the various stages of the Ethiopian drama? For 20 years past, either as Heir Apparent, Regent of the Empire, or as Emperor, I have never ceased to use all my efforts to bring my country the benefits of civilization, and in particular to establish relations of good neighbourliness with adjacent powers. In particular I succeeded in concluding with Italy the Treaty of Friendship of 1928, which absolutely prohibited the resort, under any pretext whatsoever, to force of arms, substituting for force and pressure the conciliation and arbitration on which civilized nations have based international order. Country More United In its report of October 5th 193S, the Committee of Thirteen recognized my effort and the results that I had achieved. The Governments thought that the entry of Ethiopia into the League, whilst giving that country a new guarantee for the maintenance of her territorial integrity and independence, would help her to reach a higher level of civilization. It does not seem that in Ethiopia today there is more disorder and insecurity than in 1923. On the contrary, the country is more united and the central power is better obeyed. I should have procured still greater results for my people if obstacles of every kind had not been put in the way by the Italian Government, the Government which stirred up revolt and armed the rebels. Indeed the Rome Government, as it has today openly proclaimed, has never ceased to prepare for the conquest of Ethiopia. The Treaties of Friendship it signed with me were not sincere; their only object was to hide its real intention from me. The Italian Goverment asserts that for 14 years it has been preparing for its present conquest. It therefore recognizes today that when it supported the admission of Ethiopia to the League of Nations in 1923, when it concluded the Treaty of Friendship in 1928, when it signed the Pact of Paris outlawing war, it was deceiving the whole world. The Ethiopian Government was, in these solemn treaties, given additional guarantees of security which would enable it to achieve further progress along the specific path of reform on which it had set its feet, and to which it was devoting all its strength and all its heart. Wal-Wal Pretext The Wal-Wal incident, in December, 1934, came as a thunderbolt to me. The Italian provocation was obvious and I did not hesitate to appeal to the League of Nations. I invoked the provisions of the treaty of 1928, the principles of the Covenant; I urged the procedure of conciliation and arbitration. Unhappily for Ethiopia this was the time when a certain Government considered that the European situation made it imperative at all costs to obtain the friendship of Italy. The price paid was the abandonment of Ethiopian independence to the greed of the Italian Government. This secret agreement, contrary to the obligations of the Covenant, has exerted a great influence over the course of events. Ethiopia and the whole world have suffered and are still suffering today its disastrous consequences. This first violation of the Covenant was followed by many others. Feeling itself encouraged in its policy against Ethiopia, the Rome Government feverishly made war preparations, thinking that the concerted pressure which was beginning to be exerted on the Ethiopian Government, might perhaps not overcome the resistance of my people to Italian domination. The time had to come, thus all sorts of difficulties were placed in the way with a view to breaking up the procedure; of conciliation and arbitration. All kinds of obstacles were placed in the way of that procedure. Governments tried to prevent the Ethiopian Government from finding arbitrators amongst their nationals: when once the arbitral tribunal a was set up pressure was exercised so that an award favourable to Italy should be given. All this was in vain: the arbitrators, two of whom were Italian officials, were forced to recognize unanimously that in the Wal-Wal incident, as in the subsequent incidents, no international responsibility was to be attributed to Ethiopia. Peace Efforts Following on this award. the Ethiopian Government sincerely thought that an era of friendly relations might be opened with Italy. I loyally offered my hand to the Roman Government. The Assembly was informed by the report of the Committee of Thirteen, dated October 5th, 1935, of the details of the events which occurred after the month of December, 1934, and up to October 3rd, 1935. It will be sufficient if I quote a few of the conclusions of that report Nos. 24, 25 and 26 "The Italian memorandum (containing the complaints made by Italy) was laid on the Council table on September 4th, 1935, whereas Ethiopia's first appeal to the Council had been made on December 14th, 1934. In the interval between these two dates, the Italian Government opposed the consideration of the question by the Council on the ground that the only appropriate procedure was that provided for in the Italo-Ethiopian Treaty of 1928. Throughout the whole of that period, moreover, the despatch of Italian troops to East Africa was proceeding. These shipments of troops were represented to the Council by the Italian Government as necessary for the defense of its colonies menaced by Ethiopia's preparations. Ethiopia, on the contrary, drew attention to the official pronouncements made in Italy which, in its opinion, left no doubt "as to the hostile intentions of the Italian Government." From the outset of the dispute, the Ethiopian Government has sought a settlement by peaceful means. It has appealed to the procedures of the Covenant. The Italian Government desiring to keep strictly to the procedures of the Italo-Ethiopian Treaty of 1928, the Ethiopian Government assented. It invariably stated that it would faithfully carry out the arbitral award even if the decision went against it. It agreed that the question of the ownership of Wal-Wal should not be dealt with by the arbitrators, because the Italian Government would not agree to such a course. It asked the Council to despatch neutral observers and offered to lend itself to any enquiries upon which the Council might decide. Once the Wal-Wal dispute had been settled by arbiration, however, the Italian Govemmcnt submitted its detailed memorandum to the Council in support of its claim to liberty of action. It asserted that a case like that of Ethiopia cannot be settled by the means provided by the Covenant. It stated that, "since this question affects vital interest and is of primary importance to Italian security and civilization" it "would be failing in its most elementary duty, did it not cease once and for all to place any confidence in Ethiopia, reserving full liberty to adopt any measures that may become necessary to ensure the safety of its colonies and to safeguard its own interests." Covenant Violated Those are the terms of the report of the Committee of Thirteen, The Council and the Assembly unanimously adopted the conclusion that the Italian Government had violated the Covenant and was in a state of aggression. I did not hesitate to declare that I did not wish for war, that it was imposed upon me, and I should struggle solely for the independence and integrity of my people, and that in that struggle I was the defender of the cause of all small States exposed to the greed of a powerful neighbour. In October, 1935. the 52 nations who are listening to me today gave me an assurance that the aggressor would not triumph, that the resources of the Covenant would be employed in order to ensure the reign of right and the failure of violence. I ask the fifty-two nations not to forget today the policy upon which they embarked eight months ago, and on faith of which I directed the resistance of my people against the aggressor whom they had denounced to the world. Despite the inferiority of my weapons, the complete lack of aircraft, artillery, munitions, hospital services, my confidence in the League was absolute. I thought it to be impossible that fifty-two nations, including the most powerful in the world, should be successfully opposed by a single aggressor. Counting on the faith due to treaties, I had made no preparation for war, and that is the case with certain small countries in Europe. When the danger became more urgent, being aware of my responsibilities towards my people, during the first six months of 1935 I tried to acquire armaments. Many Governments proclaimed an embargo to prevent my doing so, whereas the Italian Government through the Suez Canal, was given all facilities for transporting without cessation and without protest, troops, arms, and munitions. Forced to Mobilize On October 3rd, 1935, the Italian troops invaded my territory. A few hours later only I decreed general mobilization. In my desire to maintain peace I had, following the example of a great country in Europe on the eve of the Great War, caused my troops to withdraw thirty kilometres so as to remove any pretext of provocation. War then took place in the atrocious conditions which I have laid before the Assembly. In that unequal struggle between a Government commanding more than forty-two million inhabitants, having at its disposal financial, industrial and technical means which enabled it to create unlimited quantities of the most death-dealing weapons, and, on the other hand, a small people of twelve million inhabitants, without arms, without resources having on its side only the justice of its own cause and the promise of the League of Nations. What real assistance was given to Ethiopia by the fifty two nations who had declared the Rome Government guilty of a breach of the Covenant and had undertaken to prevent the triumph of the aggressor? Has each of the States Members, as it was its duty to do in virtue of its signature appended to Article 15 of the Covenant, considered the aggressor as having committed an act of war personally directed against itself? I had placed all my hopes in the execution of these undertakings. My confidence had been confirmed by the repeated declarations made in the Council to the effect that aggression must not be rewarded, and that force would end by being compelled to bow before right. In December, 1935, the Council made it quite clear that its feelings were in harmony with those of hundreds of millions of people who, in all parts of the world, had protested against the proposal to dismember Ethiopia. It was constantly repeated that there was not merely a conflict between the Italian Government and the League of Nadons, and that is why I personally refused all proposals to my personal advantage made to me by the Italian Government, if only I would betray my people and the Covenant of the League of Nations. I was defending the cause of all small peoples who are threatened with aggression. What of Promises? What have become of the promises made to me as long ago as October, 1935? I noted with grief, but without surprise that three Powers considered their undertakings under the Covenant as absolutely of no value. Their connections with Italy impelled them to refuse to take any measures whatsoever in order to stop Italian aggression. On the contrary, it was a profound disappointment to me to learn the attitude of a certain Government which, whilst ever protesting its scrupulous attachment to the Covenant, has tirelessly used all its efforts to prevent its observance. As soon as any measure which was likely to be rapidly effective was proposed, various pretexts were devised in order to postpone even consideration of the measure. Did the secret agreements of January, 1935, provide for this tireless obstruction? The Ethiopian Government never expected other Governments to shed their soldiers' blood to defend the Covenant when their own immediately personal interests were not at stake. Ethiopian warriors asked only for means to defend themselves. On many occasions I have asked for financial assistance for the purchase of arms That assistance has been constantly refused me. What, then, in practice, is the meaning of Article 16 of the Covenant and of collective security? The Ethiopian Government's use of the railway from Djibouti to Addis Ababa was in practice a hazardous regards transport of arms intended for the Ethiopian forces. At the present moment this is the chief, if not the only means of supply of the Italian armies of occupation. The rules of neutrality should have prohibited transports intended for Italian forces, but there is not even neutrality since Article 16 lays upon every State Member of the League the duty not to remain a neutral but to come to the aid not of the aggressor but of the victim of aggression. Has the Covenant been respected? Is it today being respected? Finally a statement has just been made in their Parliaments by the Governments of certain Powers, amongst them the most influential members of the League of Nations, that since the aggressor has succeeded in occupying a large part of Ethiopian territory they propose not to continue the application of any economic and financial measures that may have been decided upon against the Italian Government. These are the circumstances in which at the request of the Argentine Government, the Assembly of the League of Nations meets to consider the situation created by Italian aggression. I assert that the problem submitted to the Assembly today is a much wider one. It is not merely a question of the settlement of Italian aggression. League Threatened It is collective security: it is the very existence of the League of Nations. It is the confidence that each State is to place in international treaties. It is the value of promises made to small States that their integrity and their independence shall be respected and ensured. It is the principle of the equality of States on the one hand, or otherwise the obligation laid upon smail Powers to accept the bonds of vassalship. In a word, it is international morality that is at stake. Have the signatures appended to a Treaty value only in so far as the signatory Powers have a personal, direct and immediate interest involved? No subtlety can change the problem or shift the grounds of the discussion. It is in all sincerity that I submit these considerations to the Assembly. At a time when my people are threatened with extermination, when the support of the League may ward off the final blow, may I be allowed to speak with complete frankness, without reticence, in all directness such as is demanded by the rule of equality as between all States Members of the League? Apart from the Kingdom of the Lord there is not on this earth any nation that is superior to any other. Should it happen that a strong Government finds it may with impunity destroy a weak people, then the hour strikes for that weak people to appeal to the League of Nations to give its judgment in all freedom. God and history will remember your judgment. Assistance Refused I have heard it asserted that the inadequate sanctions already applied have not achieved their object. At no time, and under no circumstances could sanctions that were intentionally inadequate, intentionally badly applied, stop an aggressor. This is not a case of the impossibility of stopping an aggressor but of the refusal to stop an aggressor. When Ethiopia requested and requests that she should be given financial assistance, was that a measure which it was impossible to apply whereas financial assistance of the League has been granted, even in times of peace, to two countries and exactly to two countries who have refused to apply sanctions against the aggressor? Faced by numerous violations by the Italian Government of all international treaties that prohibit resort to arms, and the use of barbarous methods of warfare, it is my painful duty to note that the initiative has today been taken with a view to raising sanctions. Does this initiative not mean in practice the abandonment of Ethiopia to the aggressor? On the very eve of the day when I was about to attempt a supreme effort in the defense of my people before this Assembly does not this initiative deprive Ethiopia of one of her last chances to succeed in obtaining the support and guarantee of States Members? Is that the guidance the League of Nations and each of the States Members are entitled to expect from the great Powers when they assert their right and their duty to guide the action of the League? Placed by the aggressor face to face with the accomplished fact, are States going to set up the terrible precendent of bowing before force? Your Assembly will doubtless have laid before it proposals for the reform of the Covenant and for rendering more effective the guarantee of collective security. Is it the Covenant that needs reform? What undertakings can have any value if the will to keep them is lacking? It is international morality which is at stake and not the Articles of the Covenant. On behalf of the Ethiopian people, a member of the League of Nations, I request the Assembly to take all measures proper to ensure respect for the Covenant. I renew my protest against the violations of treaties of which the Ethiopian people has been the victim. I declare in the face of the whole world that the Emperor, the Government and the people of Ethiopia will not bow before force; that they maintain their claims that they will use all means in their power to ensure the triumph of right and the respect of the Covenant. I ask the fifty-two nations, who have given the Ethiopian people a promise to help them in their resistance to the aggressor, what are they willing to do for Ethiopia? And the great Powers who have promised the guarantee of collective security to small States on whom weighs the threat that they may one day suffer the fate of Ethiopia, I ask what measures do you intend to take? Representatives of the World I have come to Geneva to discharge in your midst the most painful of the duties of the head of a State. What reply shall I have to take back to my people?
Ethiopia. an island of Christianity, is recorded in history as having received first the Old Testament, and then the New Testament earlier than most of the countries of the world. When, in Old Testament times, she received the Law, and when, in New Testament times, she received the Gospel, she ensured that the Scriptures were translated into the ancient language of Ge'ez. From those times to this, various books both of spiritual and material profit have periodically been compiled and written in Ge'ez. We remember with deep gratitude those fathers of old who, as time and opportunity allowed, worked with much care and labour and have left us books for the preservation of the Faith and for the increase of learning and knowledge. In former ages. Ge'ez was the language of the country and so. even without an interpreter, the people had no difficulty in examining and understanding the books; but just as one age succeeds another, so Amharic, Which sprang from Ge'ez, gradually grew until it became the Common speech of the people, taking the place of Ge'ez. At that time. Ge'ez was understood by the learned People of the Church. but was not readily understood by the ordinary people. Arising from this, the scholars in their preaching and work have for centuries been forced in their teaching to interpret from Ge'ez into Amharic. And these conditions prevailed until Our own times. Since the time when, by God's goodness, We were chosen to ascend the Throne of Ethiopia and while We have been leading Our people to progress in learning and knowledge, We have laboured in every way possible with an eye to their growth in spiritual and material learning and knowledge. In. order to reach this goal, and realizing that the first necessity was to have the Scriptures translated into Amharic and printed in bulk, in 1918 when We were still Heir to the Throne and Regent, We chose from amongst the scholars some to translate the Scriptures and to produce the translation alongside the Ge'ez. After this, too, at Our private expense We had a printing machine brought from Europe, established a Printing Press, and began to have books printed. Some of the books which We caused to be printed in Ge'ez and Amharic at that time, read in churches and homes, have been found profitable to the establishment of faith and to spiritual strengthening. After that, noting that the mind of the people continued to grow in understanding, We arranged for a word-for-word translation into Amharic of the books of the Old and New Testaments. Our scholars completed the translation and presented it to Us in 1931. and We ordered its printing. While the book was still in the Press, however, enemy aggression in 1935 halted the work. Even so, when in exile in London, We gave permission for this same Bible to be printed by photo-offset, and it was duly issued. By this Book. Our Ethiopian subjects in exile in many countries held fast to their faith and presented their petitions to Almighty God as they awaited the restoration of Ethiopia. When, all honour and praise be to God, We had brought about the liberation of Ethiopia and had entered Our Empire, realizing that there ought to be a revision from the original Hebrew and Greek of the existing translation of the Bible, We chose scholars qualified for the work of Biblical training and on March 6th, 1947 set up a Bible Committee in Our Palace. The Committee worked with diligence for some five years, and on April 19th. 1952 presented the translation to Us. We give heartfelt thanks to all who helped Us in this work. All the ancient Scriptures were written for Our instruction, in order that through the encouragement they give Us, we may maintain Our hope with fortitude. Because We desire that the light which comes from the Scriptures may shine to all, this Bible by Our command and will has been revised and printed in the Thirty-First year of Our reign.
Laying The Cornerstone Of The Arts Building. Education develops the intellect; and the intellect distinguishes man from other creatures. It is education that enables man to harness nature and utilize her resources for the well-being and improvement of his life. The key for the betterment and completeness of modern living is education. But, "Man cannot live by bread alone." Man, after all, is also composed of intellect and soul. Therefore, education in general, and higher education in particular, must aim to provide, beyond the physical, food for the intellect and soul. That education which ignores man's intrinsic nature, and neglects his intellect and reasoning power can not be considered true education. Higher Education. A well organized education should not be one which prepares students for a good remuneration alone. It should be one that can help and guide them towards acquiring clear thinking, a fruitful mind, and an elevated spirit. The educated person that Ethiopia and countries of our level needs is not You all know the continuous effort that Ethiopia is exerting for the development of a profound and high standard education. We need educated and trained persons for research, for the study and development of our country's resources, for technology, for medicine, for the law, and the administration for our people according to their custom. These are the needs that constrain us to provide, at all levels, education free of charge. And students, ever mindful of this privilege, should endeavour to recompense their country and nation. The opportunity for education, afforded to the for. in our country, is not given to them for a fashion or a mode. It is given for a purpose, for a task, for a high reponsibility for full and exhaustive use, for the benefit of our country, and the coming generation. We have just explained to you the type of result, and responsibility that we expect from you students. It is on you, the members of the faculty that we must rely for this result. We realize the heavy responsibility we have entrusted to you. We hope that you too, while believing and accepting your responsibilities as your sacred duties, will, produce for Ethiopia persons who take pride in you and their education and are ready for the call of service. It is you who must mold the minds of your students that they may be wise, farsighted, intelligent, profound in their thinking, devoted to their country and government and fruitful in their work. It is you who must sense as the example. On their part also, they will have to learn not only formal education but also self discipline that should be worthy to be inherited. May the Almighty God be with you in the fulfillment of your duties.
. . .however, Our programmes undertaken in the economic field for augmenting the material welfare of Our subjects, has not made Us forget that, according to the words of the Bible, "man does not live by bread alone." We believe that the spiritual and moral welfare of Our people is as important as their material well-being. Thus, it is that following the liberation of Ethiopia from the yoke of the enemy, we have devoted a very large part of Our budget and national revenues for the establishment and development of schools. During this short period of ten years no less than fifteen secondary schools, of which the last, the General Wingate School, was opened by Ourselves this year, have been established directly as a result of Our initative and direction. The number of students enrolled in schools in Ethiopia has neady tripled during that same period. Shortly, the University, the foundation-stone of which we have laid, will be opened under Our direction. We face with confidence the future of public instruction in Ethiopia. If we have made so many sacrifices for the education of Our youth, it is because we are convinced that only through intellectual progress and universal education can Ethiopia come into its own and make its just contribution to the history of the peoples of the Middle East. We believe that from truth alone is born liberty and that only an educated people can consider itself as really free and master of its fate. It is only with an educated people that representative and democratic organs of government can exercise their influence for national progress. Our Address from the Throne therefore testifies to the importance which we attach to education and, at the same time, to your role as representatives, in the development and progress of Our people....
To American Commitee On Africa. ... The tide which is sweeping Africa today cannot be stayed. No power on earth is great enough to halt or to reverse the trend. Its march is as relentless and inexorable as the passage of time.... Today, Africans and friends of Africa everywhere are celebrating Africa Freedom Day. Observance of this Day testifies to what is undoubtedly one of the most significant phenomena of this post-war world the liberation from the bonds which have so long fettered the millions of Africans to whom, but a short time ago, freedom and independence vere but distant dreams Within the post-war period, the number of independent African nations has - more than doubled; next year, additional states will achieve their independence; and each year that follows will see ever increasing numbers of Africans enjoying these most precious of Almighty God's gifts. The tide which is - sweeping Africa today cannot be stayed. No power on earth is great enough to halt or reverse the trend. Its march is as relentless and inexorable as the passage of time. The day is long overdue for a change of attitude on the part of those nations which have heretofore sought to hinder or impede this movement or which have been content in the past to remain passive in the face of the impassioned cries for freedom, for justice, for the right to stand with their fellowmen as equals, which have gone up from this Continent. It is time for them to enlist their sympathetic efforts on behalf of the struggle of the African peoples to gain the place in the world which is their God. given birthright. Those who hail or refuse to do so, those who lack the vision and foresight to realize that Africa is emerging into a new era, that Africans will no longer be denied the rights which are inalienably tlicirs, will not alter or reverse the course of history, but will only suffer the inevitable consequences of their refusal to accept reality. What is there to be learned from the events now occurring on the African Continent? It must be recognized too, that Africa, its people, its present and its future, are of vital concern to everyone, no matter how far removed geographically. In the past, America has too often been content to remain relatively unconcerned about events in Africa, too ready to stand on the sidelines of African history as a disinterested observer. This policy will not serve today, and the attitude which the American people and Government now adopt towards Africa indicates that they too realize that a new Africa has emerged on the world scene. As a result, however, Americans have been largely uninformed about us, our peoples, our problems. Among other peoples, more and more is gradually coming to be known, but mainly, We would venture, because the peoples of Africa have forced the rest of the world to pay heed to them and to harken to the stirrings and reverberations which have resounded throughout this Continent in the last decade. Africa and U.S.A. The American people can make a significant contribution to guaranteeing that a deep and abiding friendship exists between Africa and the United States of America. Learn more about us; learn to understand our backgrounds, our culture and traditions, our strengths and weaknesses. Learn to appreciate our desires and hopes, our problems, our fears; If we truly know one another, a solid and firm basis will exist for the maintenance of the friendly relations between the African and the American peoples, which - We are convinced - both so ardently desire. You may be assured that there will be no failure in the warm and brotherly response from our side. In the midst of the strife and turmoil which marks Africa today, the African peoples still extend the hand of friendship. But it is extended to those who desire the progress and the political and economic freedom of the African people, who are willing generously and without thought of selfish gain to assist us to our feet that we may stand by their side as brothers. We are convinced that there are countless millions of such to be found throughout the world. We know that those to whom we send this message, who are today assembled in New York City to join in the celebration of Africa Freedom Day, are numbered among them. To them, we send Our warmest greetings and Our prayers that the purpose which today unites them may be soon realized. We must thank the American Committee on Africa which has made it possible for us to send these words to you today. The cause which you espouse is a noble and just one and, with the help of Almighty God, will triumph. |
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